Kulliyat E Ghani - Ghani Khan - PDF Download

Book Name: Kulliyat e Ghani
Author: Ghani Khan
Genre: Poetry
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Introduction Of Slaves in Latin America

Slavery and other forms of forced labor is an issue that is the subject of scorn and despise in today’s modern world. However the irony lies in the fact that the nations, mostly colonizers, who criticize it the most today themselves at some point in time used this institution to their advantage when they conquered and ruled foreign lands. The story of Latin America is not very different. The Spaniards on their arrival not only brought African slaves along with them but also developed different forms of forced labor for the natives such as encomiendas, yana etc. There were few arguments in favor of slave trade such as the excuse to spread the message of the Church and to evangelize as many people as possible. However a close look at the annals of colonial history shows us that economic gains were the driving force behind the acts of the colonizers. The ambitious cult of the Spaniards which made them take the long and hazardous journey to the New World was the driving force behind bringing African slaves and engaging natives into forced labor.  

                   In the wake of Spanish conquests in Peru and New Spain the native societies experienced immense structural, economic and social changes. The Spaniards believed in Aristotle’s doctrine of natural slavery, whereby societies that were rational and reasonable and had accepted the true faith i.e. Christianity were meant to be Masters whereas those who were governed by brutality, passion and infidelity were eternally slaves. This implied that the Spaniards considered the natives as providers of free labor for them. One of the most major impacts of the arrival of the Spanish was the fall of the native Indian population. Although very accurate accounts are not available today yet records suggest that the native population experienced a decline of 85% in a century after they arrived. One of the major reasons for this was that the Spanish brought diseases such as smallpox, mumps, measles etc along with them from Europe. The spread of these alien diseases meant that the natives who did not have any immunity against them easily fell victim. Usually it would take up three or four generations to build up resistance against such diseases.  Moreover it has been suggested that the Spaniards used violence and brutality which lead to poor health conditions and malnourishment. The native’s crops were also eaten up by the animals of the Spaniards which meant that they were left with limited supplies of food.  Thereafter many natives accepting the Spanish domination as their land’s fate or divine will, began committing suicides and infanticides etc. Such decline in native population was on the other hand accompanied by an increasing Spanish population as more and more professionals and artisans from Spain poured in. The decreasing native population suggested a dearth of labor for the Spaniards as many of them possessed very economically important skills. This situation brought to the forefront the African slaves. The blacks travelled to Latin America along with their Spanish masters. They included men and women. Demographically, most of the Spaniards were young men who were accompanied by few Spanish women; therefore black women were also brought to the newly conquered territory.  Curiously the Spaniards could also consider transferring Spanish masses to the Indies to use as labor. However, during this time many cities of the Spanish empire were beginning to grow and thrive. Besides this the agriculture sector was operating now on free wage labor basis. Finally, the fact that the military force was being developed provided another niche to the Spanish masses.  Therefore, African slaves seemed a perfect choice given these circumstances. Added to this black labor was completely mobile and they were kinless which meant they could be transported anywhere and made to work. In case of the natives it was very hard to make them shift. Moreover, there remained a threat of rebellion as they were still living in their native land and developed community. However in cases where cruelty reached enormous heights there were instances of revolt from the blacks even as in case of the “Maroons” who ran away and settled and developed their own organized community. The Blacks soon surfaced in colonial society. Inter marrying took place between blacks, Indians and Spanish leading to mixed breeds such as mulattoes and zambos.

                     

       On finding rich reserves of precious metals in the Indies, the Spaniards required even more labor for extraction. It is true to a great extent that some form of manual labor existed even before the arrival of the Spanish. The pre-existing economic structure appears to be similar to the theory of modern day socialism.  The government provided whatever its subjects needed and the nobility was responsible for the administration. People did not have freedom of choice and there was no concept of leisure time but it seems that these were not important concepts for the natives of the time. There were also artisans and craftsmen of an itinerant nature. The Spaniards simply added a monetary concept to this already existing concept of communal cooperation.( Weidner, Forced Labor In Colonial Peru).

Sugar plantations were a major part of agriculture at that time. Sugarcane, not being an indigenous crop of the Americas, was first brought by Christopher Columbus from Europe. Harvesting the sugarcane crop tends to be an arduous and irksome job and initially the natives were employed for this job. However, a large part of them were already severely hit by European diseases. Some of them ran away from such harsh labor. Thereafter the Crown realized that they had to rely on African slaves. A healthy, adult slave was expected to be able to plow, plant, and harvest five acres of sugar. Sugar planting was back-breaking work. Lines of slaves, men, women and children, moved across the fields, row by row, hand-planting thousands of seed-cane stems. Between 5,000 and 8,000 pieces had to be planted to produce one acre of sugar cane. Workdays in the fields typically lasted from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. with a noon-time break of perhaps two hours. Not only was the nature of the work exhausting but also the working conditions were quite barbaric. Supervisors would even whip the slaves during the work in order to improve their performance or speed. After harvesting the process of boiling took place to convert the cane into crystal form. This was even worse as many slaves received severe burns or suffered from swollen body parts due to the intense heat. Sometimes work shifts would last 18 hours and not only this but threats and force were used to compel them to continue the labor. This pattern of sugar plantations initially existed in Brazil and then was later followed by other Latin as well as European countries. With more time sugar became a very important source of earning for the Crown. In British and French colonies such as Jamaica and Saint Domingue it became the most important export accounting for two thirds of the total exports.(West, Sugar and Slavery).

                  

       One of the initial measures taken by the Spaniards with regard to American labor was the creation of “encomiendas”. Most of the Spanish conquerors were assigned a group of natives who were to provide labor for them. In return their Spanish Masters were to provide protection and sustenance and most importantly to evangelize them. However, on close scrutiny it appears that encomiendas actually reduced the Crown’s revenue. This occurred because the Spanish were not allowed to move the native encomiendas to other geographical locations which would yield better returns such as the silver mines in Mexico and Peru. Moreover, unlike slaves, they could not be traded or rented to other Spaniards which again meant that their cost per person was high for the Masters. Nevertheless, the Spanish continued the use of native labor. The Crown had strong reasons to continue doing this. Firstly, it had to provide some sort of incentive to the conquistadors as they would have to face alien conditions in the Indies. For this purpose the Crown struck a bargain with them. The leaders of the conquests or “caudillos” were specified a return and an area of authority. In return for this, the “caudillos” had to raise capital and a labor force for the Crown. Labor was one of the abundant resources available in the Indies and so it was in the best interest of the Spanish to exploit. The Church also wanted the Americans to be free people and not to be inflicted with harsh labor; however, in the initial years after the conquest they had to adopt a certain system of extracting native labor otherwise they would have forgone large amounts of wealth. Another major reason why the Crown preferred encomiendas over slavery was because of inheritance restrictions on them which meant that encomenderos could not retain the encomiendas for generations. Furthermore, if the Crown wanted it could confiscate encomiendas especially in case of signs of rebellion from the conquistadores. The encomiendas also processed a right not to be dislocated unlike slaves. The Church felt that dislocation of natives could lead to their depopulation as they would be exposed to different climatic conditions. The institution of encomiendas could have proved economically less productive as compared to slavery. However, the Church had to cater to security considerations at the time.(Yeager, Encomienda or Slavery).

                          Soon the institution of encomienda began to be abused in several ways by the nobles and so the Crown passed the laws of 1542, banning encomiendas. It was replaced by “repartimientos” or “mita”. This made colonial administrators in charge of the natives. Under this system work requirements stipulated that all able-bodied men between the ages of 16 and 60 work 2 weeks per year and that no more than 5% of a community’s male population be absent at one time.(Kent, Latin America: Region and People).  The type of labor that could be extracted was totally on the administrator’s discretion. Mostly work included working in mines, on agricultural land and also on public works. The institution of mita was not very much the brainchild of the colonizers; rather it existed in some form during the Aztec and Inca empires as well.

                          

          More than 80% of the population was involved in agriculture and ranching and mining being the foremost activity. Until the 18^th century the policy of the Crown was to exchange precious metals extracted from the Indies for manufactured goods from Europe. This required them to engage maximum natives in labor. The major silver mines opened in Peru and Mexico in the 16^th century. Potosi’ in Bolivia and Zacatecas in Mexico were the largest mines. The Crown owned all subsoil rights and so the ambitious Spaniards felt that in order to exploit the resources of the New World they had to make use of the natives’ physical skills and labor.

                        

   Although the concept of slavery is often discussed alongside forced labor in the Indies yet significant differences exist. It is obvious that the main concern of the Spaniards was to exploit the natural resources of the area through mining and agriculture and to extract tributes from the natives. A large portion of the initial lot of Spanish believed that the natives due to their brutality were meant to be slaves. However, with the passage of time this view also changed, with individuals such as Bartolome’ de las Casas advocating the rights of the native populations and opposing the violence inflicted by colonizers. This also drove the Spaniards to bring in more African slaves and extract from them the type of work that they feared the natives could not perform. The Blacks always had a certain stigma attached to them and occupied a distinct place in the Latin society of the time. Moreover, it is obvious to a great extent that in certain types of labor the Spanish trusted the blacks much more than the natives. This was because they were aware that the natives were in familiar territory and between local well knit communities. This indicated towards more chances of revolt and rebellion from the natives. Also, they had come under foreign rule recently and so this idea was still something new to them and was still itching in their minds. On the other hand, the Blacks had been slaves for generations under the control of the Europeans. With the beginning of the 18^th and 19^th centuries forced labor soon began to take the form of debt bondage with natives taking loans and providing their labor in return. When drawing parallels one is bound to notice that the natives paid tributes to their Spanish encomienderos. This consisted of a proportion of the yield of the land on which they worked. African slaves, on the other hand, had no such responsibility. They were completely dependent on their masters. Slavery has a concept of “ownership” attached to it. This is the biggest distinction between a slave and an encomienda or native laborer. Slaves were owned by the Spaniards whereas the natives could not be owned by them. Unlike slaves, regarding the natives the colonizers had to consider their kinship ties. Often in later times entire families would be involved in debt bondage.  A slave had no links with his kinsmen and so he could be transported anywhere for work. In case of natives the colonizers had to consider the community bonds and geographical location. Another major task that the encomienderos were assigned with was to evangelize the locals. In case of black slaves, this argument is put forward by circles in favor of slave trade however trends throughout the world show that the attitude of colonizers towards African slaves developed a sort of repulsiveness towards Christianity and many of them even converted to other religions such as Islam. On the whole it is possible to argue that even native labor despite its differences was a disguised form of slavery. In both there have been cases of abuse, violence and intense malnourishment, which by today’s standards seem highly brutal and barbaric. 

                      

             In hindsight institutions such as slavery and forced labor have been the center of intense debate and controversy. However, they have to be viewed alongside the social and historical context of the time. One of the major purposes behind the conquests to the New World was no doubt to gain wealth from these areas. After the violent takeover and the fall of the Aztec and Inca Empires, the Spanish looked forward to attaining pecuniary benefits. King Philip while addressing his senior administration in 1617 ordered the entire royal machinery to be as efficient as possible so as to extract the maximum wealth from the Indies. Initially the tribute system under the encomiendas seemed the easiest way of benefitting from the local resources. However, soon with the passing of the 1542 laws banning encomiendas many Spaniards looked on to mining and agriculture sectors. In order to extract maximum yield on sugar plantations and also considering the harsh work, the Spaniards had no choice but to employ African slaves. Thus, the African slaves formed an integral part of colonial Latin America’s economy, particularly Cuba and Brazil and especially Cuba where sugar production continues to be a major industry.    

Written By: Chanel Khaliq

The Royal Prerogative is a feature of the UK Constitution

Introduction

The U.K. constitution is described as an “unwritten constitution”. However it is best described as ‘partly written and wholly un-codified.” (Budge et al, 1998)[1]Its main source is statute law. These are laws, which are passed by UK parliament, particularly important for determining the scope and power of government.

Other source is common law from which constitution authority is derived. Though common law has largely been replaced by statute law, it is very important in certain fundamental constitutional principles such as Royal Prerogative. This paper considers Royal Prerogative, which is a very special feature of UK constitution. Royal Prerogative refers to those powers left over from when the monarch was directly involved in the government.  It concerns legislature, judicial system, foreign affairs, armed forces, appointments and honors, privileges and immunities and prerogative in times of emergency. The scope of Royal Prerogative as well as reforms undertaken in this regard has been highlighted. The thesis of this paper is that UK government has resolved to increase parliamentary oversight in relation to treaties, war powers, senior appointment and management of civil service. It has suggested that prerogative powers could be candidate for abolition or reform, but their continued existence, has no significant negative effects.

Royal prerogative and its scope

Royal Prerogative refers to those powers left over from when the monarch was directly involved in the government. It gives the Crown (the monarch) special powers such as power to declare war, to make treaties, deploying the armed forces, regulating the civil service, to pardon criminals and to dissolve parliament. In today’s time, monarch exercise ceremonial roles in such matters, but royal prerogative gives immense power to ministers acting on the Queen’s behalf. Its exercise doesn’t require the approval of the parliament. [2]

Constitutional lawyers have summarized the main areas in which the prerogative is used today. It concerns legislature, judicial system, foreign affairs, armed forces, appointments and honors, privileges and immunities and prerogative in times of emergency.[3]

The scope of the Royal prerogative is difficult to determine. Court is said to be the final arbiter of the existence and extent of a particular time of prerogative power. [4] The role of the court in determining the existence and extent of the prerogative can be a significant control on the prerogative. This control is strengthened by common law which states that courts can’t create new prerogatives. Moreover the courts are now able to scrutinize the manner in which such powers are exercised. One channel it is done is through the Human Rights Acts, where an aggrieved person may challenge an act or omission of the executive in the UK. The other is the judicial review, which provides a check and balance on the actions of the ministers so that they are not unreasonable and that the powers are not exercised in a procedural unfair way. [5]

Some Acts passed in the recent years have brought significant reform, though they are not primarily aimed at reformed the Royal prerogative. For e.g. Civil Contingencies act have devised a flexible and broader framework for dealing with emergencies, covering majority of the situations which previously were under the use of Royal prerogatives. Secondly, the inquiries act 2005 replaced or reproduced all of the prerogative power to call public inquiries.

Constitutional Reforms to Royal Prerogative:

Modernization of Royal prerogative has been the central theme of the Governance of Britain agenda[6]. Governance of Britain Green Paper set out plans for wide-reaching constitutional reforms. It stated that the power of the government flowing from public should be subjected to account by the parliament.[7] It stressed that if the parliament is not able to scrutinize and challenge government actions then the voters wouldn’t believe that government wield power appropriately. More over public confidence in the accountability of the government is being lost.

In October 2009, the government published the review of the prerogative powers.[8] It stated that a number of ways can be devised to subject prerogative powers to control and examination by the parliament. These included legislation, accountability of parliament and Parliament approval of expenditure. In this case, ministers are accountable to Parliament for all their actions including those taken under the prerogative powers.

Regarding Armed forces, the Royal prerogative is a central to its organization and existence. It is one element of the complex administration structure of the armed forces. The primary prerogative power concerning armed force i.e. their deployment has already been made subject to reform proposal. [9] It has been suggested that the decision by the Government to commit forces to armed conflict should be approved by the House of Commons.[10]  Parliament exercises control over the Armed Forces through oversight on the expenditure of defense. Ministry of Defense is also subject to scrutiny by Defense Select Committee of the House of Commons. Thus, manifestations of prerogative in relation to armed forces are closely interwoven with statutory provisions.

Royal prerogative of mercy is exercised by Sovereign on ministerial advice. Secretary of State for justice is responsible for recommending the exercise of this prerogative. The grant of free pardons has declined as a result of the right to appeal in the court. It is suggested that Royal prerogative to grant free, unconditional pardons have largely been superseded by statutory provisions.

In the case of emergency, UK government had range of non statutory powers to enable it to respond to emergencies. However Civil Contingency Act has replaced the emergency power framework set under Emergency Powers Act 1920 and Civil Defense Act 1948. Now prerogative powers can be abolished by legislation. Civil Contingency Act has “covered the field leaving no room for the continuation of the prerogative. However, important aspects remain for use in case of particular urgency or disruption. This provides a mechanism to make up for the weakness when statutory provisions are not able to respond because of insufficient time. The important priority of the government remains to guarantee safety and security of its citizens. This allows the government to retain these residual powers.

Need for Royal Prerogative:

The report published by Public Administration Select Committee rationalized the need for such powers on the ground that they are necessary for the provision of effective administration, especially in the time of national emergency. However, it is to be considered that they should be subject to more systematic parliamentary oversight.

Prerogative powers can provide flexibility in dealing with exceptional circumstances which are not covered by statutory provisions. It provides a basis on which it is possible for the government to act outside the framework of Civil Contingencies Act 2004 in circumstance of exceptional urgency or disruption. Failure to do so or doing otherwise such as enacting a statutory power can result in either broad statutory power or one that is insufficiently flexible. [11]

Further more certain prerogatives covering a wide area can’t be entangled. For example Armed forces operate through a mix of prerogatives through state and statute. Placing it in statutory basis is a complex and large-scale exercise.

Moreover, some powers are best described as “archaic”. These are prerogatives of little importance in the modern age. They comprise of small and specific issues like the Crown’s right to sturgeon wild and unmarked swans and whales.

In some case it is difficult to suggest that whether the prerogative power has been wholly replace by the statute or whether there is residual power which subsists.  Even if residual power subsists, it is rational to argue that such power provides flexibility in the time of need. Such “residual” powers are of the minor nature, more of a legacy of time. For e.g. the Treasure Act 1996 applies to all objects found after September 1997, but the prerogative is relevant for a small number of objects found before the date. In addition to this, review has resulted in the decision to preserve prerogative power for e.g. in the case of BBC charter review.

The government proposes to address the concerns against royal prerogatives on a case-by-case basis, in the light of changing circumstances however it is against the “major reform” at present[12]. The constitution is said to have evolved organically.

Residual prerogative powers are seldom exercised in their proper way. Firstly, use of the prerogative powers once considered threat to the parliament, such as the withholding the Royal Assent to legislation has fallen into disuse and it is unthinkable of its application in the today’s time. Other smaller powers have also been replaced because they have been replaced by a statutory scheme or because they have become dysfunctional. The power to amend and grant Royal charter is one such power.  Secondly, the personal prerogatives which Monarch once used on their own initiative are now merely endorsed decision. For e.g. appointment of Prime Minister or the dissolution of the parliament are now endorsed decisions of the ruling party and the electorate.       

Thirdly, the prerogative power to grant appointment and honors are no more a cause of controversy or embarrassment. The resulting decision is determined by Minister and Opposition party leaders and Monarch is merely a conduit for such state patronage. Fourthly, the prerogative power to grant mercy or pardon convicted criminals is exercised as an act of grace on the advice of Home Secretary. Such actions create little fuss in Parliament about procedural grounds though at times opposition on substantial grounds related to the case can arise. [13]

Conclusion

Against the backdrop of Civil Contingencies Act 2004, Inquiry Act 2005 and BBC Charter Review, Government of Britain has initiated reform to those manifestations of Royal prerogative powers which have attracted most attention and criticism. It has resolved to increase parliamentary oversight in relation to treaties, war powers, senior appointment and management of civil service. It has undergone an examination of the current state of the prerogative powers and has provided a consolidated list of prerogative powers. It is suggested that remaining prerogative powers could be candidate for abolition or reform, but their continued existence, has no significant negative effects. It is arguable to say that some of the legislation to replace the prerogatives may give arise to new risks. One risk is the unnecessary incursion into the civil liberties at one hand and unnecessary loss of flexibility to respond to unforeseen circumstance on the other hand. The government has proposed that it would be unnecessary to propose further major reform to executive prerogative powers.

About The Author: Hamid Khan is a an alumni of Lahore University of Management Sciences. He received his Master's degree in Economics from LUMS. His areas of interest includes economics and social science. He can be reached at 2hmdKhan(at-the-rate)gmail.com

Dominant Ideology And Media

                                  

This paper considers the explanatory value of the concept ‘dominant ideology’. It begins with the Marxist definition of the dominant ideology and discusses aspects of dominant ideology from the Marxists and the contemporary Neo-Marxists perspective. The Neo-Marxist perspective of the dominant ideology has been used to describe the values related to faith and religion. It focuses on the use of media as a source of propagation of dominant ideology. Some critiques of the writers, the explanatory value of the dominant ideology have also been considered which contradict its traditional view. Finally the essay concludes with the traditional and the critical view of the ideology and bourgeoisie class. 

In the Marxist perspective, “Dominant ideology” is referred to as the ideology of the majority in a population. This ideology remains to be prevalent given that interests of the dominant class are fulfilled. This can lead to seizure of development process in the subordinate class, who are unable to form an effective opposition. It can be said without doubt that the ideas of the dominant class are deeply penetrated into the social system. (Williams, 1977)

According to Karl Marx, ‘Social class determines consciousnesses. The relationship of a class to the modes of production generates cultural conditions and its material conditions. In other words it can also be said that each class has a separate belief system because each has its own interests due to difference in their economic conditions. Secondly each mode of production has a dominant class which is responsible for a dominant ideology to ensure the subordination of the working class. Marx also distinguished two types of social influences in the formation of ideologies. The main source of ideas is the experiences of individuals as they continue their daily life experiences. David Cheal calls the reactions to these daily activities as the ‘practical ideas.’ Another source through which individuals are introduced to new ideas is called ‘received ideas’ as these are achieved through social interactions or communication between individuals. For Gramsci, the presence of these two sources of ideas can lead to contradictions, which he called ‘contradictory consciousness.’ Such types of contradictions are unevenly distributed among the classes. For dominant classes, they form a consistent system of thought and the consequences of such contradictions are insignificant. However for subordinate classes, these contradictions are large and significant. (Cheal, 1979) Leading thinkers in Marxist ideology, Althussers and Paulantzas argue that the dominance in political or ideological structures is determined by economic base. Such dominance is sometimes also facilitated by non-economic factors like religion. In feudal and pre-capitalist societies religion was used to ensure that a continuous labor source was available from the peasantry. (Abercrombie & Turner, 1978)

According to Marxists, media plays an important role in spreading the dominant ideology and in building a sense of consensus among the population about right and wrong nature of things. This in a sense can be true as media has means to provide false information and completely ignore or brand something unreasonable which challenges the dominant ideology. Media presents ideas of the ruling class while marginalizing voices of minority. The power structures in media can be further broken down to the interests of the owners and managers of a media group. Murdock argues that the two important reasons that recede power of ruling class is the growth of professional managers and the creation of new capital enterprise. As industry grows, so does the need for managers. (Gitlin, 1979)  This in turn increases the influence of professional managers and threatens the power base of the owners.

According to Paul Wingfield media present information in a way that is relevant, has meaning and is acceptable in general. It capitalizes on the general knowledge and dominant ideology in order to transform the information into reality. The ideas that are presented not only get rooted in the media but also into the institutions of the society. Thus media not only plays role in strengthening of the widespread beliefs in a society but is also capable of changing the whole thinking of a society. (Nesbitt-Larking, 2007)

The belief that the dominant ideology of church and other religion have been prevalent historically has been opposed by authors in the contemporary times based on the studies they have done on the peasant and other societies. Martin Goodridge (1975) in the Ages of faith, Romance and Reality notes, in a comprehensive examination of the peasantry in countries like France, England and Italy that the class has been left estranged from the dominant ideological views of faith from the mainstream church. He notes that the religious clergy of the particular area was although influential in asserting the ideology of faith only symbolically, but was considered, in those societies to be, unreliable source of faith and belief. (Goodrige, 1975)The similar line of logic is also applicable to the capitalist societies of the early times. The dominant ideologies of individualism and the doctrines of the utilitarianism were very important components of the 1950s and were widespread in the realms of morality, economy and religion. However, individualism has been connected to the human ancestry and the connection to modern capitalism is very difficult to establish. Following such a line of logic as individualism and the ancestry of human beings, the dominant ideology is the by-product of human ancestry and not of the dominant ideology of the modern capitalism and bourgeoisie class. (Abercrombie & Turner, 1978)

While criticizing Marxism, Abercrombie argues about the shortcomings of the theories of Marxist ideology. He is of the view that the problem with Marxist theories of culture is of methodological character. The basic assumption of the dominant ideology model is that the ruling class controls the means of intellectual production and hence is able to control thoughts and beliefs of the subordinate class. Even in order to protest against the dominant ideology, the subordinate class will need some medium, which itself occurs to be at the hands of the ruling class. (Abercrombie & Turner, 1978)

The existence of a common ideology between the dominant and the dominated class is the basic assumption on which the dominant ideology lies. Critics have argued that the dominating never really shared the ideology of the dominated and they always had their own sets of beliefs, ideas and concepts regarding the different spheres of life. Even in the days of the feudal landlords, it was the dominant class which was adhering to its own sets of values and the dominated class was not very willing to comply with these. (Nesbitt-Larking, 2007) It has also been suggested that the dominant ideology was a means to keep the dominant class together and united on a common platform. The ruling class had developed their own standards and rules and while their attempts to make their subordinates follow those standards were not very successful, this common ideology held the ruling class together.

One reason for doubting Marx’s theory in feudal times is that it was very difficult to disseminate information or principles in those days. If we consider Marx’s theory in light of our current times, we will find that his theory carries more weight now than at any other time. In feudal times, the dominant ideology need not be shared by both the rulers and the subordinates. The rulers were mostly independent and they did not need people to comply with their ideology as long as they were obeying their orders without question. In contemporary times however, this has become a necessity. With the rise of democratic governments and people wanting to have a say in the system of governance, it has become essential for governments to convince people to share their ideologies and both the rulers and the ruled need to share perspectives on issues.

This has enabled mass media to flourish as a strong force in state matters. However, with the rise of corporations, the power dynamics of societies have changed completely and the corporations play a huge role in policy making. The government, the corporations and the media have now become a closely knit group and the ideologies of both the government and corporations are spread by the media. This is a universal phenomenon in both the developed and the undeveloped world, although the end game is usually different. Whatever the end game, the media is always a major player, more than religion ever was in previous years.

Noam Chomsky, in an interview, explained the role of media in shaping perspectives. He said “They (The media) also shape the discussion in such a way that people do not perceive what is happening. A striking example is the Israel Arab conflict. United States and Israel are effectively annexing the valuable parts of the West Bank. That is presented as withdrawal and they are praising Israel for withdrawing from the West Bank, referring to the policy which is about annexing the West Bank.”  So the interests and the ideologies of the rulers are spread among the population by the media and due to the diverse means that it has, it can shape the way people look at a particular problem.

An argument against this prevalent case of media bias has been presented by Arafat Al Jameel. He cites the example of British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) which does not gather money from any particular organization and is funded by annual TV license fees. It has in its charter that it will not be influenced by any organization, be it private or government. (Jameel, 2009)

The laws and regulations which make BBC an autonomous broadcasting corporation indicate that its philosophy does not seem to adhere to Marxism through which a ruling class exercises its influence to control over the individuals. It appears that the source of finance to the BBC does not come from one particular person; the households who subscribe to the services of the corporation are the main source for its existence. This approach is akin to Pluralism in its view that the readers and listeners are not merely passive or submissive to the media. Instead, everyone has a voice and therefore able to play a tangible role in affecting the media. (Williams 2003).

However, his explanation has also been targeted for criticism. Even with its claim of being exclusive to pressures from both government and private corporations, BBC has to report according to regulations of the government and its reporting during the Iraq War was claimed to be highly biased. The corporation helped cover up the embarrassment faced by the government over their decision to go into War with Iraq and not find weapons of mass destruction in the country. So this ‘Triad’ of government, corporations and media has developed a new apparatus of spreading the dominant ideology within people and to shape the people’s thoughts to match their own interests.

Marxist theorists tend to emphasize the role of the mass media in the reproduction of the status quo, in contrast to liberal pluralists who emphasize the role of the media in promoting freedom of speech. The Marxist view of dominant ideology still has some strength as it draws our attention to the important factor of social class in relation to media ownership and the effect it has on the consumers. Although consumers in large can affect what the media showcases, the biases of media towards particular social and political pressures cannot be ignored. The notion that media produces false consciousness in the working class is an extreme stance, which sees media products as the ideology of the ruling class only. This completely ignores the diversity of opinions and the oppositional views that exist in the public.

About The Author: Hamid Khan is a an alumni of Lahore University of Management Sciences. He received his Master's degree in Economics from LUMS. His areas of interest includes economics and social science. He can be reached at 2hmdKhan(at-the-rate)gmail.com

Han Dynasty and Women

This paper discusses the role of women in the Han dynasty based on the primary and secondary literature of the course. As has been the case for prior dynasties, family constituted the fundamental unit of society in Han dynasty. This resulted in the formation of patriarchal hierarchy. Legalism was extreme and the imperative nature of filial piety made the hierarchy to be codified in law. More over the needs of the group were above the needs of the individual and society was categorized into classes. Women are one of the class and enjoyed reverence however, women were not allowed to enjoy individual lives and were forced to assume the roles determined by the system.

The Primordial Filial Piety

 Influenced by the teachings of Confucius and other thinkers, Filial piety was given more consideration by the Han dynasty than its predecessors did. Filial piety implied a well run family where parents looked after the children and in turn children were expected to take care of their parents and support them in their old age. The importance of the Filial Piety is suggested by the fact that the brief classic of filial piety is considered to be written in the early Han dynasty. Filial Piety was defined as the whole hearted devotion to parents however the connotations are extended to accommodate for the devotion to superiors. (Ebrey) “Filial piety is the root of virtue and source of civilization.” (Ebrey) If man exhibited paramount filial piety, he could be exalted to the status of official in the society. The importance of filial piety enabled the family to be the central focus of allegiance for most Chinese. The important goal of each individual Chinese life was to serve his ancestors through sacrifices and safeguarding the lineage of the family. (Lockard)

Family was given prime consideration by the Chinese individual as it provided for psychological and economic security to him. However, it was led by a senior male and lineage was only traced through male line. In family, mother and father enjoyed apparently equal status and were revered by children equally. Given the ascendancy of filial piety and patriarchic nature of family life being driven by senior males, Women felt to be at a relative disadvantage compared to men. At childhood, daughter was expected to revere her father, when married she was expected to be faithful and loyal to her husband and finally as mother to be caring to her children.

Given the ascendancy of family, Chinese society has to a large extent, especially in Han dynasty, been a proponent of patriarch Confucianism. (Lockard) The ideals for women were selfless behavior, loyalty and faithfulness. However this didn’t override the importance of the female. Alluding to the different social positions she assumes, the importance of respect for women has been stressed. “They serve their mothers as they serve their fathers; the love shown them is the same.” (Ebrey) “The rulers didn’t dare insult the widows and widowers- not to mention the upper class or the common people.” (Ebrey) Some of the important female figures of the Han dynasty are Lu Zhi (wife of the founder of Han Dynasty), Yu Ji, Zhuo Wenjun, Huan Shaojun. (Peterson)

Men exercised the essential political power and had the right to control the property. Women had no ownership of property and were not inducted by the institutions holding political power. However, the hierarchy of powers was not flat. Rather, women of different classes enjoyed different status. For e.g. the female relatives of Han emperor had greater influence than most but few of male officials. One such example is the ascendancy of the grandmother of emperor. Given the importance of elders, she had the responsibility to choose the spouse of her grand children and even the future heirs of the throne. (Hughes and Hughes)

In Han dynasty, gender roles became stricter. However, Women were allowed to indulge in small scale trade. In addition to doing the household work and taking care of their children, they worked in farms and marketplace for long hours to meet the family needs. The social status enjoyed by women was different depending upon the social class and local patterns. Women enjoyed greater freedom in lower class given the needs of the family. However in the elite classes the freedom was more restricted. Women who worked in the fields and in market place exercised greater influence in their families in contrast to their counterparts in the rich families.

In addition to this, Han cities and societies were organized around categories. These included the rich class, women, lower class and scholar-gentry. Having assumed legalistic approach, the stability came at a cost of strict law and punishment for the poor. To curb the tendencies for criminal offenses, groups were responsible for individual actions. Though the judicial system was considered to be equal to everyone, the strict categorization and organization structure enforce the lower class to bear the brunt of strict legalistic approach. Since family was the unit of society, family bore the responsibility for individual actions. More ever, Polygamy was not allowed. Once widowed, a virtuous woman was not expected to remarry even if forced. She was expected to remain loyal to her husband memory and family.

Furthermore, One very unlikely trend in the Han dynasty was the beginning of biographies of virtuous women and stories about filial piety. (Rainey) One such example is the tribute to extraordinary women like Mencius’ mother. The basis of selection for the “extraordinary” was the respect for parents and husbands and care for children and family. Admonition of Women written by Ban Zhao is a manifestation of auspicious nature of these ideals. (Rainey) It inspires the women to be chaste in all ways and develop themselves as moral beings through education in morality. More over filial piety was glorified by admiration of sons and daughters embodying respect for parents and elders. Filial piety was put in perspective through the yin-yang opposite extremes. Obedience and loyalty on the part of children were rationalized as natural trends ordained by the Heaven. This notion ordained the primacy of male authority over children. Relationships hierarchy in family in specific and society in general were thus actively as well as passively based on generation, age and gender. (Rainey)

Conclusion:

Family was the fundamental social unity in Han dynasty. This resulted in the formation of patriarchal hierarchy. Rulers in the Han dynasty adopted strict legalism and gave prime consideration to filial piety.  This meant that importance of family and hence patriarchal hierarchy was codified in law. Rulers and officials were proponent of patriarchic Confucianism. The codification of precedence of family over individuals in law, both in literal terms and in spirit resulted in increased restrictions for all individuals. Given the patriarchal nature, women were worse off. Respect for women was restricted to traditional roles. The respect directly emanated from the status of the family in the whole society. Given the aristocratic nature of governance in the Chinese society, poor families were bound to bear the brunt of the social injustice generally prevalent in aristocratic societies. This affected the relative rights of women in different classes too. For upper classes, women were bound to remain indoors, restricted by the filial piety for their husbands and children. In poor families, restrictions were loosened by the economic forces and women were allowed to work in markets. Women enjoyed greater freedom in lower class given the needs of the family.  However the double standards regarding polygamy were uniform in the whole Han society. Men were allowed to remarry for procreation whereas women were expected to remain loyal to her husband even in the case of his death.

Moreover, women were not allowed to enjoy non-traditional individual lives and were forced to assume the roles determined by the system. Leadership chances were restricted for women. Even in the case of women being a regent, men exercised greater control of the decision making.  The patriarchal Confucianism portended that women exhibit faithfulness, loyalty and this implied that women were considered subjects more or less equivalent to the role of domesticated animals.

About The Author: Hamid Khan is a alumni of Lahore University Of Management Sciences. He has done his masters in Economics from LUMS.His areas of interest includes Economics and Social Sciences. He can be reached at 2hmdkhn(at-the-rate)gmail.com

Developmental Stage and Reciprocal Consent - Economic Miracle in Japan, Taiwan and Korea.

Introduction:

Developmental state, a notion aroused from the exponential growth of Asian tigers, refers to the state-led economic planning. Such a state envisions projecting itself as an autonomous body through increased political power and effective control over the economy to imbibe its ideals in the economic system. It is characterized by strong state interventions in the economy, rigorous regulations and centralized economic planning. At the other extreme, there lies a weak or predatory state which entrusts private profit seekers and the market with the role of raising prosperity levels by increasing economic efficiency. Developmental state is focused on the protection of domestic industries through technology transfers, import substitution, export promotion and emphasis on technical education policies. It exhibit narrow institutionalism as opposed to broader institutionalism and has extensive focus on statist paradigm with little importance given to public-private collaboration. (Hundt, 2008)

These rationales of state dominance in the economic development are challenged by reciprocal consent. It holds that though state help structure the market choices but public/private negotiation also structure state and market choices alike. The mechanism of relationship is defined by the type of market structure, extent of centralization, timing of the development, openness of the economy, policies of the ruling coalition and nature of administrative tradition explains the nature and extent of state intervention. (Samuels, 1987) Developmental state is characterized by few pilot agencies guiding the overall process of intervention with policy tool are linked to the private sector performance through a structure of incentives. Civil society is weak and easily subordinated. States builds extensive coalition with industry and plays down leftist elements. This paper deals with the developmental state and reciprocal consent arguments in explaining the development trajectories across Japan, Korea and Taiwan over the course of Post-War period.

Korea:

Korean economic bureaucracy has played a central force in the shaping of the development. It has informed Korean political leaders of policy options that may undermine state power creating a tension by simultaneous pursuit of maximal state autonomy and socio-economic development. This has created a web of bureaucracy power reinforcing in the economic decision making of the country. Pilot agencies has defined the direction for the overall intervention in targeted industries in the economy, coordinated investment decisions for them and devised intervention policies. In Korea, Economic Planning Board, had assumed the role of pilot agency, and had driven the course of the economic development under the auspices of strong bureaucracy. It has extensively promoted labor-intensive manufacturing in the 60’s, heavy industries in the late 70’s and technology and services in the 1980’s.

Korean states placed strict performance benchmarks for the firms participating in the priority sectors. Incentives had been designed for the firms to participate in these sector with certain threads attached to them. State bore the extensive risk of economic development and bestowed business leaders with privileged position in the political economy. As put forth by James West, Korean state’s relationship with business is like a practical dialectic of power and profit with power playing the role of senior partner. (Hundt, 2008)

However the trends have changed. After the 1990s, the relationship between pilot agencies and private firms has characterized by firms deciding about entering into certain industries rather than state dictating their preferences. However once industry has received enough entrants, it becomes logical as well as possible for the pilot agency to exercise regulations in the industry.  More over, trade unions have emerged in the 1980’s and have assumed extensive power since then. This trends plays down the predominance of the developmental state notion which assumes weak civil society. Extensive openness of the economy has been augmented with democratization of the polity. Increased degree of contestation in Korean political economy and the declining trends in the continuous development elements of the Korean state can’t be explained with developmental state presumptions.

Business leaders are endowed with structural power of capital which is the ability to resist changes as imposed by the state. The capital enjoys ample mobility and is not concentrated into few geographic places. Firms can withdraw their resources from the economy on the account of deleterious changes and hence have the ability to resist changes. Beside these, large firms also possess considerable market power. In the Korean developmental alliance, Chaebols, large business investors, have extensive role in the economy. Chaebols have over-invested in the economy. In 1980’s Korea political economy underwent radical changes. In this period Chaebols gained at the expense of state.  For Korean state, the quality of the investment is of prime consideration. Therefore challenge for the state is to prevent irresponsible behavior on the part of the Chaebols in the form of redundant or speculative investments. This transition of role toward private businesses in the developmental alliance can be aptly put forth as state dominance to interdependence. It can be safely said that state’s developmental capacities helped its own decline as civil society and Chaebols gained strength. However in the aftermath of Asian crises, state oversaw a range of industrial and financial restructuring programs which renewed the state capacity to discipline the open market.

According to Amsden, as in the case of South Korea, the state has promoted late industrialization through subsidies as well as through promoting discipline. (Smith, 2000) Subsidies have become the policy tool for the state to decide the extent and nature of production and the type of strategic industries to favor. These allocations of subsidies have rendered South Korean state from acting as mere banker to become a shrewd entrepreneur. The state has set stringent performance requirement in return for the subsidies it provides. Subsidies and discipline introduce consistency in the carrot and stick policy. The policy objective of the government are rationalized through granting or withholding industrial licensing, government bank loans, advanced technology acquired by the government through foreign licensing and technical assistance.

Korea has focused toward further deepening of the industrial sector. Deepening of the industrial sector require generation of additional supplies of factor of production. Physical and human capital accumulation is required for the industrialization to proceed.

Japan:

Japan faced strenuous economic situations immediately after the world war two. Destruction of production facilities, loss of the territory were augment by constraints such as spiraling population and reduced supply of  the raw materials. In the post-war Japan, ministry of trade and industry was the pilot agency to set interventionist policies for the targeted industries. It is now regarded as the key institution in helping the Japanese emergence as a major economic power. It took control of Japanese “industrial policy” and guided public and private sector firms in the direction of rapid economic growth. However in this regards, as has been argued by many commentators, the economic development was not monopolistically dominated by the state. It has been argued that reciprocal consent holds true as well because the state actively elicited support from firms in its energy sector. State’s bureaucracy is not the dominant force in the development, rather it negotiated with business.

MITI was not extensively focused on directing investments and trade in particular sector of the economy but aimed to persuading Japanese manufacturing and trading companies to enter new areas of economic activity and exporting through consensus building measures. MITI was run by pragmatic bureaucrats to spot new trends, assess strengths and weaknesses of the Japanese producers. (Thompson, 1998) The growth of the Japanese economy from 1920s to 1970s is attributed to the economic bureaucracy of the MITI. MITI had extensively contributed toward reorganization of productive structures to meet its goals. The policy tools to its discretion were technology transfers, joint venturing, patent rights, royal conditions and licensing agreement. These policy considerations were subject to its jurisdiction during the rapid phase of industrial development.

MITI is the considerate as the main instrument of Japan’s developmental state. However, in the recent past, this pilot agency has failed to spot trends in key development areas such as information technology. The golden era of MITI power and influencing came to a steady end after liberalization schemes of the Japanese economy were introduced in the 1960s. More ever, in the IT sector, Japan’s success depended on the collaboration of the state with the market forces for industry’s development. The presumption that state dominates or at-least directs development portrays business and the markets as objects managed by state elites. However this creates a false dichotomy between the economy and the state. The state needs to be considered as an economic actor that operates within the market, though in more authoritative manner. (Hundt, 2008) The ability of MITI to encourage private companies especially in the petro-chemical industry has at best been truncated.

Some commentators have argued that the Japanese Miracle was not the result of industrial policy rather it was the result of the dynamism of the private sector toward responding to the economic growth ideals. The dynamism aroused for the structural change endeavor of the industrial policy. Efforts were geared toward the transformation of Japan into an industrial society as a response the situation prevailing in the postwar contexts.

Japan after the 1980s distinguishes itself from most of the Western Europe states because of the near absence of state ownership. Powerful private actors established alliances with politicians and bureaucrats in development of commerce and industry. Market conforming actions of the Japanese state has led to the market structure transformation in Japan. These notions are in stark contrast to the bureaucratic dominance and the developmental state in Japan. The Japanese state is characterized by a high level of public-private cooperation, balance of bureaucratic autonomy and linkages with private sector.

In Japan, market and state structure is the product of negotiation and opportunity different from bureaucratic dominance and developmental state notions. The frame work of interaction can aptly be explained by the framework of “reciprocal consent”. In this framework, states do drive the structure of market choice but this direction of interaction is not unilateral. Rather public/private negotiation irresistibly structure state and market choices alike.

Taiwan:

In 1949, Nationalist-mainlander poured into Taiwan facing no internal opposition. Land reforms were instituted for increase agricultural yields to produce sizeable exports and generate linkage effects. Extensive investments in rural infrastructure and irrigation were undertaken in 1950’s. Exchange rate was kept over-valued to benefit industrialist in keeping the food prices low as well as their import costs minimal for the promotion of exports. Multiyear development plans were initiated to inculcate growth in the economy.

Agri-Producer prices were low and technology and heavy tax policy were used for the use in industrialization. Quantitative restrictions on imports and high tariffs were used to control external competition. The process of import substitution was complete by 1957. Market-distortion as well as market-replacing methods was used for the establishment of textile sector to imbibe vertical integration and economy of scale. State played an active role in the establishment of plastic sector. Developmental plans were designed to direct investments in targeted industries.

State has been continued to concentrate on the development of large-scale firms of the upstream industries while leaving the small-scale firms relatively freer. The factories were handed over to selected private entities or were turned into public enterprises. In Taiwan case, notion of the centrality of the state in the development of the country holds true. However, State has at times not only been a leader in the development but it has also become a follower actively assisting the private enterprise in their success whilst pursuing its goal of economic development. Moreover it was not the state pushing the firms into different sectors of the economy. It was the private enterprises which demanded for assistance and hence pulled the state in the direction toward certain sectors.

In light of numerical researches, price distortion score for Taiwan is lower in comparison with other developing countries whereas it has exhibited a highest growth giving splendidly consistent results for a strong inverse correlation between price distortion and economic growth.  Government has been actively intervening to alter the trade and industrial profile of the economy as deemed desirable.

Taiwan along with Korea is among the standing out countries benefiting from the import substitution to the overall growth in the manufacture output. Industrialist who emerged in the 1950s remained the industry giants till 60s and 70s. Taiwan has witnessed its resource being shifted from agriculture into industry and with-in industry from labor-intensive, low technology activities toward more capital intensive and higher technology activities. Though Taiwanese state has been able to achieve success in increase the accumulation of factor of production, Industrial targeting policies has largely been a failure with displacing growth from one industry to another without raising the aggregate output.  

Small and medium sized firms dominate the Taiwan export manufacturing sector which makes the centralized coordination by developmental state less conducive. Political schism between Nationalist party (Kuomintang or KMT) and Taiwanese small entrepreneurs make cooperation difficult discounting the notion of reciprocal consent. Taiwan has extensively focused on the widening of its industrial sector which is important in the early stages of industrialization. Widening of the industrial sector require generation of additional supplies of factor of production. Physical and human capital accumulation is required for the industrialization to proceed. The state had a directive role in 1960s which accelerated move into heavy and skill intensive industries. In the 1970s government resorted to promotional role driving away from labor-intensive industries toward heavy and skill-intensive industries. The push into the new capital and technology intensive industries in the mid 1970s supports the self regulating nature of market rather and anticipating these changes in advance.  During this era state, along with reaffirming its leadership role, was signaling about the value of profitable private sector. However, according to Galenson, Taiwan big push into capital and technology-intensive industries was state-led and not market led.

In the early 1970s Taiwan exports started facing protectionist threats. Increasing wages and competition in different sectors along with over-stretching of infrastructure were formidable obstacles to be faced by the industrialists. The sixth fourth-year plan aimed to address them through increased political leadership and political control initiated renewed emphasis on export orientation and signaling state support of targeted sectors and their subsectors. It also undertook huge increase in public sector investments for improving the physical infrastructure. Hence 1970s saw expansion in the role of public enterprise sector. In 1973 to 1975, Taiwan government was determined to reduce Taiwan’s vulnerability to the fluctuations in the prices of key factors of productions through increasing the capacity in heavy and chemical industries.

           

Conclusion:

Developmental state is characterized by few pilot agencies guiding the overall process of intervention with policy tools linked to the private sector performance through a structure of incentives. Civil society is weak and easily subordinated. States builds extensive coalition with industry and plays down leftist elements. The extent of state intervention and logic of developmental state depends upon five variables. These are extent of control by bureaucracy, social pressures, national security imperatives, economic conditions and globalization. Developmental state has commitment to private property and the market. The market is closely regulated by the state institutions which are responsible for the development of the economy. The mechanism of relationship is defined by the type of market structure, extent of centralization, timing of the development, openness of the economy, policies of the ruling coalition and nature of administrative tradition explains the nature and extent of state intervention.

In Japan, Korea and Taiwan has undergone industrialization through aggressive government intervention. Market has been guided by the authorities and competitive processes have been moderated. The nature of the government-business relation has changed irreversibly from the state led economic decision making to an increased emphasis on private sector taking more initiatives. Coordination, communication and cooperation have increased between the public and private sector over the course of time.         

 As the Japan’s economy matures, the role of MITI has declined with companies transforming themselves into world class operations with extraordinary competitive success. Japan distinguishes itself from most of the Western Europe states because of the near absence of state ownership. It prefers to have regulatory or predatory nature as compared to going for outright ownership, because regulation affords greater flexibility without the loss of state authority. Powerful private actors established alliances with politicians and bureaucrats in development of commerce and industry. Market conforming actions of the Japanese state has led to the market structure transformation in Japan. Japanese state has intervened into the market only to enable the private actors to limit and enchase state power simultaneously Control has been retained though jurisdiction of the state has been surrendered. These notions are in stark contrast to the bureaucratic dominance and the developmental state in Japan. The Japanese state is characterized by a high level of public-private cooperation, balance of bureaucratic autonomy and linkages with private sector.

South Korea entry into heavy industries and cotton textile exports provide evidence for the state intervention under the condition of late industrialization. It has actively pursued measures to solicit the change in the business behavior of the firms in light of the public objectives. In Taiwanese state is opposed too open market system actively helping to insure that resources went into the industries important of the future growth and military strength.  Multinational players may assume the role of being an important player but it can only happen after the state had a well established presence and has assumed leadership role from where it can direct activities rather by being driven the rationale for global profits.

Developmental state paradigm can no longer explain the postdevelopmentalism phase of Japan, South Korea or Taiwan. Bureaucracy is now relinquishing its self entrusted role of economic development and giving way powerful private sector which it can’t control. 

About The Author: Hamid Khan is a current student of Economics at lums. His areas of interest includes religion, developmental studies and South Asian economies..